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The Vietnam War (also known as the Second Indochina War, the American War in Vietnam and the Vietnam Conflict) occured from 1959 to April 30, 1975. The war was a successful effort by the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV or North Vietnam) and the indigenous National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam, (also known as the Việt Cộng, Charlie or VC) to reunify Vietnam under a communist government. To a degree, the war may be viewed as a Cold War conflict between the U.S., its allies and the Republic of Vietnam on one side, and the Soviet Union, its allies, the People's Republic of China and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam on the other. Vietnamese nationalists, however, claim that it was a struggle for independence. The U.S. deployed large numbers of troops to South Vietnam between 1954 and 1973. Some U.S. allies also contributed forces. U.S. military advisors first became involved in Vietnam in 1950, assisting French colonial forces. In 1956, these advisers assumed full responsibility for training the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. President Kennedy increased America's troop numbers from 500 to 16,000. Large numbers of combat troops began to arrive in 1965. Almost all U.S. military personnel departed after the Paris Peace Accords of 1973. The last American troops left the country on April 30, 1975.[2] At various stages the conflict involved clashes between small units patrolling the mountains and jungles, guerrilla attacks on the villages and cities and large-scale conventional battles. U.S. aircraft also conducted massive aerial bombing, targeting North Vietnam's cities, industries and logistical networks. Cambodia and Laos were drawn into the conflict. Large quantities of chemical defoliants were sprayed from the air, in an effort to reduce the cover available to the enemy.
BackgroundHistory to 1949From 110 BC to 938 AD (with the exception of brief periods), much of present-day Vietnam was part of China. After gaining independence, Vietnam went through a long history of resisting outside aggression. In 1789, one of the most celebrated feats of arms in Vietnamese history occured, when Nguyen Hue launched a surprise attacked against the Chinese garrison of Hanoi during the Tet celebrations.[4]The French gained control of Indochina (Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam) during a series of colonial wars, from 1859 to 1885. At the Versailles Conference in 1919, Hồ Chí Minh requested that a Vietnamese delegation be admitted in order to work toward independence for Indochina. He hoped that U.S. President Woodrow Wilson would support the effort. But he was sorely disappointed and Indochina's status remained unchanged. During the Second World War, the puppet government of Vichy France cooperated with Imperial Japanese forces. Vietnam was under de facto Japanese control, although the French continued to serve as the day to day administrators. In 1941, the Communist-dominated national resistance group called the "League for the Independence of Vietnam" (better known as the Viet Minh) was formed.[5]. Ho Chi Minh returned to Vietnam for the first time since 1911 and quickly assumed leadership of it. He had been a Comintern agent since the 1920s, but as the leader of an independent Vietnamese communist party, Ho freed himself from Moscow's control.[6] He maintained good relations with the Soviets, however. The Viet Minh began to craft a strategy to seize control of the country at the end of the war. Ho appointed Vo Nguyen Giap as his military commander. Ho Chi Minh's guerillas were assisted in training by the United States Office of Strategic Services (the precursor of the Central Intelligence Agency). These teams worked behind enemy lines in Indochina, giving support to indigenous resistance groups. The OSS unit, code named "Deer Mission," was headquartered in nearby China. The Pentagon, however, viewed Indochina as a sideshow to the more important theatre of the Pacific. In 1944, the Japanese overthrew the French administration and humiliated its colonial officials in front of the Vietnamese population. The Japanese began to encourage nationalist activity among the Vietnamese and granted Vietnam nominal independence. On March 11, 1945, Emperor Bao Dai declared the independence under the Japanese. Following the Japanese surrender, Vietnamese nationalists, communists, and other groups hoped to take control of the country. The Japanese army transferred power to the Viet Minh. Emperor Bao Dai abdicated. On 2 September 1945, Hồ Chí Minh declared independence from France and proclaimed the formation of a new government, in what became known as the August Revolution. In his exultant speech, before a huge audience in Hanoi, he cited the U.S. Declaration of Independence and a band played "The Star Spangled Banner." Hồ hoped that America would ally itself with a Vietnamese nationalist movement, communist or otherwise. He based this hope in part on speeches by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt opposing a revival of European colonialism. As well, he was counting on a long series of anti-colonial U.S.pronouncements, stretching back to the American War of Independence. Indeed, Ho Chi Minh told an OSS officer that he would welcome "a million American soldiers ... but no French."[7] Power politics, however, intervened. The U.S. changed its position to comply with Winston Churchill's desire to regain control of British colonial possessions. In addition, it was recognized that France would play a crucial role in detering communist ambitions in continental Europe. Thus, its colonial aspirations could not be ignored. The new Vietnamese government only lasted a few days. At the Potsdam Conference it was decided that Vietnam would be jointly occupied by China and Britain, who would supervise the disarmament and repatriation of Japanese forces.[8] The Chinese army arrived only a few days after Hồ's declaration of independence. Ho Chi Minh's government effectively ceased to exist. The Chinese took control of the area north of the 16th parallel. British forces arrived in the south in October. The French prevailed upon them to turn over control. French officials immediately sought to reassert control over the country. Despite a small number of armed clashes, the French negotiated with the Chinese and the Viet Minh. By agreeing to give up its concessions in China, the French persuaded the Chinese to allow them to return to the north and negotiate with the Viet Minh. In the meantime, Hồ took advantage the negotiations to liquidate competing nationalist groups. He was anxious for the Chinese to leave. "The last time the Chinese came," he remarked, "they stayed one thousand years .... I prefer to smell French shit for five years, rather than Chinese shit for the rest of my life."[9] After negotiations collapsed with the French over the formation of a government within the new French Union, they bombarded Haiphong. In December 1946, they re-occupied Hanoi. Ho and the Việt Minh fled into the mountains to start an insurgency, marking the beginning of the First Indochina War. After the defeat of the Nationalist Chinese by the Communists in the Chinese Civil War, Chairman Mao Zedong provided direct military assistance to the Viet Minh. The Viet Minh obtained modern weapons, supplies and the training necessary to transform them into a conventional military force. On the eve of the war, Ho Chi Minh had warned a French official that "you can kill ten of my men for every one I kill of yours, but even at those odds, you will lose and I will win."[10] A long and bloody struggle ensued, with French military casualties exceeding those of the U.S. during its involvement. The Pentagon Papers characterize the U.S. position at the time as ambivalent. On the one hand, the U.S. wished to persuade France to consider decolonization, while ultimately leaving the timetable up to them. During the war, Roosevelt had consistently stalled French demands for U.S. help in recolonizing Vietnam, arguing privately that the country was worse off than when the French first arrived. After the war, the French argued that it was consistent with the principles of the new United Nations that some degree of autonomy should be granted to Indochina. However, France argued that it could do so only after it regained control. Ho Chi Minh sent the Truman administration a flurry of cables. But these were ignored by Washington.[11] Much hinged on the perception of Hồ's allegiances. In the wake of WWII, it was recognized that the world would now be shaped according to three main spheres of influence (Western Hemisphere, Europe, Eurasia). The Soviet Union would henceforth be a serious competitor to the West. America viewed the Soviet Union and its allies as a block. As far as Washington was concerned, the entire communist world was controlled by Moscow.[12] In spite of Hồ's eloquent pleas for U.S. recognition, the U.S. gradually accepted the argument that he was under Soviet control. This perception suited the French, who for years had tried to persuade the U.S. to support its reconquest of Indochina. As Secretary of State, Dean Acheson noted, "the U.S. came to the aid of the French ... because we needed their support for our policies in regard to NATO .... The French blackmailed us. At every meeting ... they brought up Indochina .... but refused to tell me what they hoped to accomplish or how. Perhaps they didn't know."[13] In the context of the new post-war environment, the change in the perception of Hồ was critical. Accordingly, the U.S. viewed its course of action as limited to either supporting French or Soviet imperialism. Dean Acheson reflected a commonly held view in Washington. To "question whether Ho as much nationalist or commie is irrelevant. All Stalinists in colonial areas are nationalists."[14] Exit of the French, 1950–1954
Image:Gen.jpg The Geneva Conference, 1954. During the war with the Viet Minh, the U.S. supplied its French allies with military aid. In 1950, North Vietnam and China recognized each other diplomatically. President Harry S. Truman countered by recognizing the French puppet government of Vietnam. Washington feared that Hanoi was now a pawn of communist China and by extension, Moscow. This flew in the face of the long historical antipathy between the two nations, which the U.S. seems to have been ignorant of.[15] The outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 marked a decisive turning point. From the perspective of many in Washington, what had been a colonial war in Indochina was transformed into another example of communism expansionism directed by the Kremlin.[16] In 1950, the U.S. Military Assistance and Advisory Group (MAAG) arrived to screen French requests for aid, advise on strategy and train Vietnamese soldiers.[17] By 1954, the U.S. had supplied 300,000 small arms and spent one billion dollars in support of the French military effort. The Eisenhower administration was shouldering 80 percent of the cost of the war.[18] The Viet Minh received crucial support from the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. The battle of Dien Bien Phu marked the end of French involvement in Indochina. As they became surrounded and bogged down in a siege, the U.S. Congress eventually refused additional military support.[19] The Viet Minh and their mercurial commander Vo Nguyen Giap handed the French a stunning military defeat. On May 7, 1954, French forces surrendered. The French public and government had had enough. At the Geneva Conference the French negotiated a ceasefire agreement with the Viet Minh. It allowed the French to leave Indochina and granted independence to Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. However, Vietnam was temporarily partitioned at the 17th parallel. The Viet Minh established a socialist state, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, in the north and engaged in a land reform program in which the mass liquidation of class enemies occurred. Ho Chi Minh later apologized. In the south a non-communist state was established under the Emperor Bảo Đại, a former puppet of the French and the Japanese. Ngo Dinh Diem became his Prime Minister. More than 400,000 civilians and soldiers had died during the nine year conflict.[20] Image:Ngo Dinh Diem at Washington - ARC 542189.gif President Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles greet President Ngo Dinh Diem in Washington. The Diem era, 1955–1963The Winston Churchill of AsiaAs dictated by the Geneva Conference of 1954, the partition of Vietnam was meant to be only temporary, pending national elections in 1956. The agreement stipulated that the two military zones were to be separated by a temporary demarcation line (known as the Demilitarized Zone or DMZ). The United States, alone among the great powers, refused to sign the agreement.[21] Diem declined to hold elections. Diem were encouraged by U.S. unwillingness to allow a certain Ho Chi Minh victory. This called into question the United States' committent to democracy in the region, but also raised questions about the legitimacy of any election held in the communist-run North. The cornerstone of U.S. policy was the Domino Theory. This argued that if South Vietnam fell to communist forces, then all of South East Asia would follow. Popularized by the Eisenhower administration[22], some argued that if communism spread unchecked, it would reach Hawaii and the West Coast of the United States. It was better, therefore, to fight communism in Asia, rather than on American soil. Thus, the Domino Theory provided a powerful motive for the American creation of a client state in southern Vietnam.[23] The theory underpinned American policy in Vietnam for five presidencies.[24] The United States pursued a policy of containment. Following the NATO model, Washington established the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) to counter communist expansion in the region. The policy of containment was first suggested by George F. Kennan in the 1947 "X" article, published anonymously in Foreign Affairs and remained U.S. policy for the next quarter of a century. Ngo Dinh Diem was chosen by the U.S. to lead the South Vietnam. A devout Roman Catholic, he was fervently anti-communist and was untainted by any connection to the French. He was one of the few prominent Vietnamese nationalist who could claim both attributes. Historian Luu Doan Huynh notes, however, that "Diem represented narrow and extremist nationalism coupled with autocracy and nepotism."[25] The new Americans patrons were almost completely ignorant of Asian and, in particular, Vietnamese culture. They knew little of the language or long history of the country.[26] President Ngo Dinh Diem, for example, was referred to as Diem, when his correct name was Ngo. There was a tendency to assign American motives to Vietnamese actions and Diem himself warned that it was an illusion to believe that blindly copying Western methods would solve Vietnamese problems.[27] In April and June of 1955, Diem (against U.S. advice) cleared the decks of any political opposition by launching military operations against the Cao Dai religious sect, the Buddhist Hoa Hao, and the Binh Xuyen organized crime group (which was allied with members of the secret police and some military elements). Diem accused these groups of harboring Communist agents. Beginning in the summer of 1955, he launched the 'Denounce the Communists' campaign, during which communists and other anti-government elements were arrested, imprisoned, tortured or executed. Opponents were labelled Viet Cong by the regime, in order to demean their nationalist credentials. During this period refugees moved across the demarcation line in both directions. Around 52,000 Vietnamese civilians moved from south to north. 450,000 people, primarily Catholics, travelled from the north to south, in aircraft and ships provided by France and the U.S.[28] CIA propaganda efforts increased the outflow with slogans such as "the Virgin Mary is going South." The northern refugees were meant to give Diem a strong anti-communist constituency.[29] In a referendum on the future of the monarchy, Diem rigged the poll and received 98.2 percent of the vote. This American advisors had recommended a winning margin of 60 to 70 percent. Diem, however, viewed the election as a test of authority.[30] Emperor Bao Dai left the country. On October 26, 1955, Diem declared the new Republic of Vietnam, with himself as president.[31] Colonel Edward G. Lansdale, a CIA officer, became an important advisor to the new president. As a wealthy Catholic, Diem was viewed by many ordinary Vietnamese as part of the old elite that had helped the French rule Vietnam. The majority of Vietnamese people were Buddhist. So his attack on the Buddhist community only served to deepen mistrust. Diem's human rights abuses increasingly alienated the population. As opposition to Diem's rule in South Vietnam grew, a low-level resistance began to take shape in 1957. It was conducted by Viet Minh cadres, religious sect members, members of opposition political parties and Buddhists. Four hundred government officials were assassinated in that the year. In May, Diem undertook a ten day state visit of the U.S. President Eisenhower pledged his continued support. A parade in New York city was held in his honor. Although Diem was openly praised, in private Secretary of State John Foster Dulles conceded that he had been selected because there were no better alternative.[32] In 1956, one of the leading communists in the south, Lê Duẩn, returned to Hanoi to urge the Vietnam Workers' Party to take a firmer stand on reunification. But Hanoi hesitated in launching a full-scale military struggle. Finally, in January 1959, under pressure from southern cadres who were being targeted by Diem's secret police, the north's Central Committee issued a secret resolution authorizing an armed struggle. Diem enacted tough new anti-communist laws. Infiltration of men and weapons from the north began along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Observing the increasing unpopularity of the Diem regime, on December 12, 1960, Hanoi authorized the creation of the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF). The NLF was made up of two distinct groups: nationalists and communists. While there were many non-communist members of the NLF, they were subject to party control and increasingly side-lined as the conflict continued. The NLF emphasized patriotism, honesty and good government, while promising to end American influence in Vietnam. Successive American administrations, however, as Robert McNamara and others have noted, over estimated the control that Hanoi had over the NLF.[33] John F. Kennedy won the 1960 U.S. presidential election. In May, 1961, Vice-President Lyndon Johnson visited Saigon. He enthusiastically declared Diem the "Winston Churchill of Asia."[34] Asked why he'd made the comment, Johnson replied, "Shit! Diem's the only boy we got out there. "[35] Johnson promised more aid, in order to mold a fighting force that could resist the communists. The quality, however, of the South Vietnamese military remained poor. Bad leadership, corruption and political interference all played a part in emasculating the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN). The frequency of guerilla attacks rose, as the insurgency gathered steam. Hanoi's support for the NLF played a significant role. But South Vietnamese governmental incompetence was at the core of the crisis.[36] Maxwell Taylor and Walt Rostow recommended that U.S. troops be sent to South Vietnam disguised as flood relief workers. Kennedy rejected idea, but increased military assistance yet again. By mid-1962, the number of U.S. military advisors rose from 700 to 12,000. Image:SVN1.jpg South Vietnam, Military Regions, 1967. Coup and assassinations
Some policy-makers in Washington began to conclude that Diem was incapable of defeating the communists and might even make a deal with Ho Chi Minh. He seemed more concerned with fending off coups than fighting communism. During the summer of 1963 U.S. officials began discussing the possibility of a regime change. The State Department was generally in favor of encouraging a coup. The Pentagon and CIA were more alert to the destabilizing consequences of such an act, and wanted to continue applying pressure for reforms. Chief among the proposed changes was the removal of Diem's younger brother Ngo Dinh Nhu. Nhu controlled the secret police and was seen as the man behind the Buddhist repression. As Diem's most powerful advisor, Nhu had become a hated figure in South Vietnam. His continued influence was unacceptable to the Kennedy administration. Eventually, the administration concluded that Diem was unwilling to change. The CIA was in contact with generals planning to remove Diem. They were told that the United States would support such a move. President Diem was overthrown and executed, along with his brother, on November 2, 1963. When he was informed, Maxwell Taylor remembered that Kennedy "rushed from the room with a look of shock and dismay on his face."[37] He had not approved Diem's murder. The U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., invited the coup leaders to the embassy and congratulated them. Ambassador Lodge informed Kennedy that "the prospects now are for a shorter war."[38] Following the coup chaos ensued. Hanoi took advantage of the situation and increased its support for the insurgents. South Vietnam entered a period of extreme political instability, as one military government replaced another in quick succession. Kennedy increased the number of U.S. military advisors to 16,000, in order to cope with rising guerilla activity. In a conversation with Nobel Peace Prize winner and Canadian Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson, Kennedy sought his advice. "Get out," Pearson replied. "That's a stupid answer," shot back Kennedy. "Everyone knows that. The question is: How do we get out?"[39] Ironically, Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, just three weeks after Diệm. Kennedy introduced helicopters to the war and created a joint U.S.-South Vietnamese Air Force, staffed with American pilots. He also sent in the Green Berets. He was succeeded by Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnson, who reaffirmed America's support of South Vietnam. By the end of the year Saigon had received $500 million in military aid, much of which was lost to corruption. Escalation and Americanization, 1964-1968
Image:Bombing in Vietnam.jpg A U.S. B-66 Destroyer and four F-105 Thunderchiefs dropping bombs on North Vietnam. On August 2, 1964, the U.S.S. Maddox was attacked by torpedo boats in the Gulf of Tonkin. The destroyer was on an intelligence mission along North Vietnam's coast. A second attack was reported two days later on the U.S.S. Turner Joy, in the same area. The circumstances of the attack were murky. Lyndon Johnson commented to his Undersecretary of State, George Ball, that "those sailors out there may have been shooting at flying fish."[40]The second attack led to retaliatory air strikes and prompted Congress to approve the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. The resolution gave the president power to conduct military operations in South East Asia without declaring war. It was later revealed that the second attack never occurred. "The Gulf of Tonkin incident," writes Louise Gerdes, "is an oft-cited example of the way in which Johnson misled the American people to gain support for his foreign policy in Vietnam."[41] The National Security Council recommended a three-stage escalation of the bombing of North Vietnam. On March 2, 1965, following an attack on a U.S. Marine barracks at Pleiku, Operation Flaming Dart and Operation Rolling Thunder commenced. The bombing campaign, which would ultimately last three years, was intended to force North Vietnam to cease its support for the NLF by threatening to destroy North Vietnam's air defenses and industrial infrastructure. As well, it was aimed at bolstering the morale of the South Vietnamese.[42] Between March 1965 and November 1968, Operation Rolling Thunder deluged the north with a million tons of missiles, rockets and bombs.[43] Bombing was not restricted to North Vietnam. Other aerial campaigns, such as Operation Commando Hunt, targeted different parts of the NLF and PAVN infrastructure. These included the Ho Chi Minh Trail, which ran through Laos and Cambodia. The objective of forcing North Vietnam to stop its support for the NLF, however, was never reached. After several attacks, it was decided that U.S. Air Force bases needed more protection. The South Vietnamese military seemed incapable of providing security. On 8 March 1965, 3,500 United States Marines were dispatched to South Vietnam. This marked the beginning of the American ground war. U.S. public opinion overwhelmingly supported the deployment. Public opinion, however, was based on the premise that Vietnam was part of a global struggle against communism. In a statement similar to that made to the French, almost two decades earlier, Ho Chi Minh warned that if the Americans "want to make war for twenty years then we shall make war for twenty years. If they want to make peace, we shall make peace and invite them to afternoon tea."[44] As former First Deputy Foreign Minister, Tran Quang Co, noted, the primary goal of the war was to reunify Vietnam and secure its independence. The policy of the DRV was not to topple other non-communist governments in South East Asia.[45] The Marines' assignment was defensive. The initial deployment of 3,500 in March, increased to nearly 200,000, by December.[46] The U.S. military had long been schooled in offensive warfare. Regardless of political policies, U.S. commanders were institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission.[47] In May, ARVN forces suffered heavy losses in a series of clashes at Ba Gai. They were again defeated in June, at Dong Xoai. Desertion rates were increasing. General William Westmoreland informed Admiral Grant Sharp, commander of U.S. Pacific forces, that the situation was critical.[48] He said, "I am convinced that U.S. troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLF."[49] With this recommendation, Westmoreland was advocating an aggressive departure from America's defensive posture and the sidelining of the South Vietnamese. By ignoring ARVN units, the U.S. commitment became open ended.[50] Westmoreland outlined a three point plan to win the war: "Phase 1. Commitment of U.S. (and other free world) forces necessary to halt the losing trend by the end of 1965. Phase 2. U.S. and allied forces mount major offensive actions to seize the initiative to destroy guerilla and organized enemy forces. This phase would be concluded when the enemy had been worn down, thrown on the defensive, and driven back from major populated areas. Phase 3. If the enemy persisted, a period of twelve to eighteen months following Phase 2 would be required for the final destruction of enemy forces remaining in remote base areas."[51] The plan was approved by the Johnson administration. Westmoreland predicted victory by the end of 1967.[52] Johnson did not, however, communicate this change in strategy to the media. Instead he emphasized continuity.[53] U.S. policy now depended on matching the North Vietnamese and the NLF in a contest of attrition and morale. The opponents were locked in a cycle of escalation.[54] The idea that the government of South Vietnam could manage its own affairs was shelved.[55] Operation Starlite was the first major ground operation by U.S. troops and proved largely successful. U.S. soldiers engaged in search-and-destroy missions. Learning from their defeats, the NLF began to engage in small-unit guerrilla warfare, instead of conventional American-style warfare. This allowed them to control the pace of the fighting, engaging in battle only when they believed they had a decisive advantage. The guerillas benefited from familiar terrain, a degree of popular support and from the fact the U.S. troops were unable to tell friend from foe. The average U.S. serviceman was nineteen years old. This compares with twenty-six years of age for those who participated in World War II. Soldiers served a one year tour of duty. Unlike their predecessors in WWII and Korea, however, there were no secure rear areas. American troops were vulnerable to attack everywhere they went. U.S. personnel were the best supplied and equipped force in history. Image:HCMT.jpg The Ho Chi Minh Trail running through Laos, 1967. Under the command of General Westmoreland, the U.S. increased its troop commitment to more than 553,000 servicemen by 1969. Westmoreland performed a logistical miracle, building a complex series of bases, ports, airstrips, medical facilities, fuel depots, warehouse, roads and bridges from scratch. A third world nation, South Vietnam was inundated with manufactured goods. As Stanley Karnow writes, "the main PX, located in the Saigon suburb of Cholon, was only slightly smaller than the New York Bloomingdale's ...."[56] The American build-up transformed the economy and had a profound impact on South Vietnamese society. A huge surge in corruption was witnessed. The country was also flooded by civilian specialists from every conceivable field to advise the South Vietnamese government and improve its performance. Washington encouraged its SEATO allies to contribute troops. Australia, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines[57] all agreed to send troops. Major allies, however, notably European nations, Canada and Great Britain declined Washington's troop requests.[58] The U.S. and its allies mounted complex operations, such as operations Masher, Attleboro, Cedar Falls, and Junction City. However, communist forces remained elusive and demonstrated great tactical flexibility. Meanwhile, the political situation in South Vietnam began to stabilize somewhat with the coming to power of Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky and President Nguyen Van Thieu in 1967. Thieu, mistrustful and indecisive, remained president until 1975.[59] This ended a long series of military juntas that had begun with Diem's assassination. The relative calm allowed the ARVN to collaborate more effectively with its allies and become a better fighting force. The Johnson administration employed a "policy of minimum candor"[60] in its dealings with the media. Military information officers sought to manage media coverage, by emphasizing stories which portrayed progess in the war. Over time, this policy damaged the public's trust in official pronouncements. As the media's coverage of the war and that of the Pentagon diverged, a so-called credibility gap developed.[61] Image:Nguyen.jpg National Chief of Police Nguyen Ngoc Loan, executes an NLF officer in Saigon during Tet. Images of the killing shocked the world. General Westmoreland had became the public face of the war. He was featured on the cover of Time magazine three times and was named 1965's Man of the Year.[63] Time described him as "the sinewy personification of the American fighting man .... (who) directed the historic buildup, drew up the battle plans, and infused the ... men under him with his own idealistic view of U.S. aimes and responsibilities."[64] In November 1967, Westmoreland spearheaded a public relations drive for the Johnson administration to bolster flagging public support.[65] In a speech before the National Press Club he said that a point in the war had been reached "where the end comes into view."[66] Thus, the public was shocked and confused when Westmoreland's predictions were trumped by Tet.[67]The American media, which had been largely supportive of U.S. efforts, rounded on the Johnson administration, for what had become an increasing credibility gap. Despite its military failure, the Tet Offensive became a political victory and ended the career of President Lyndon B. Johnson, who declined to run for re-election. Johnson's approval rating slumped from 48% to 36%.[68] As James Witz noted, Tet "contradicted the claims of progress ... made by the Johnson administration and the military."[69] The Tet Offensive was the turning point in America's involvement in the Vietnam War. It had a profound impact on domestic support for the conflict. The offensive constituted an intelligence failure on the scale of Pearl Harbor.[70] Westmoreland became Chief of Staff of the Army in March, just as all resistance was finally subdued. The move was technically a promotion. However, his position had become untentable, because of the offensive and because his request for 200,000 additonal troops had been leaked to the media. "Westy" was succeeded by his deputy Creighton Abrams, a commander less inclined to public media pronouncements. Image:TrangBang.jpg Children flee a South Vietnamese napalm strike. This picture was to become one of the most iconic of the war. On May 10, 1968, despite low expectations, peace talks began between the U.S. and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Negotiations stagnated for five months, until Johnson gave orders to halt the bombing of North Vietnam. The Democratic candidate, Vice-President Hubert Humphrey, was running against Republican former Vice-President Richard Nixon. Through an intermediary, Nixon advised Saigon to refuse to participate in the talks until after elections, claiming that he would give them a better deal once elected. Thieu obliged, leaving almost no progress made by the time Johnson left office. As historian Robert Dallek writes, "Lyndon Johnson's escalation of the war in Vietnam divided Americans into warring camps ... cost 30,000 American lives by the time he left office, (and) destroyed Johnson's presidency ...."[71] His refusal to send more U.S. troops to Vietnam was Johnson's admission that the war was lost. As Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara noted, "the dangerous illusion of victory by the United States was therefore dead."[72] Vietnamization and American withdrawal, 1969–1973
During the 1968 presidential election, Richard M. Nixon promised "peace with honor". His plan was to build up the ARVN, so that they could take over the defense South Vietnam (the Nixon Doctrine). This became known as Vietnamization. Nixon also pursued negotiations. Creighton Abrams shifted to smaller operations, aimed at NLF logistics, with better use of firepower and more cooperation with the ARVN. There was increased openess with the media. Nixon also began to pursue détente with the Soviet Union and rapprochement with China. This policy helped to decrease global tensions. Détente led to nuclear arms reduction on the part of both superpowers. But Nixon was disappointed that, China and the Soviet Union continued to supply the North Vietnamese with aid. In September, 1969, Ho Chi Minh died at the age of seventy-nine. The anti-war movement was gaining strenght at home. Nixon appealed to the "Silent Majority" of Americans to support the war. But revelations of the My Lai Massacre, in which U.S. forces went on a rampage and killed civilians, including women and children, provoked national and international outrage. Due to a change of policy by Prince Sihanouk in 1969, the PAVN/NLF were no longer welcome in Cambodia. President Nixon took the opportunity to launch a massive secret bombing campaign, called Operation Menu, against their sanctuaries along the border. Over 14 months, approximately 2,750,000 tons of bombs were dropped, more than the total dropped by the Allies in World War II. In 1970, Prince Sihanouk was deposed by pro-American general Lon Nol. The country's borders were closed, and the U.S. and ARVN launched incursions into Cambodia to attack PAVN/NLF bases and buy time for South Vietnam. The coup against Sihanouk and U.S. bombing, destabilized Cambodia and increased support for the Kmer Rouge. The invasion of Cambodia sparked nationwide U.S. protests. Four students were killed by National Guardsmen at Kent State University. The reaction to the shooting by the Nixon administration was seen as callous and indifferent. In 1971, the Pentagon Papers were leaked to the New York Times. A secret history of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, commissioned by the Department of Defense, they detailed a long series of public deceptions. The Supreme Court ruled that their publication was legal. The ARVN launched Operation Lam Son 719, aimed at cutting the Ho Chi Minh trail in Laos. The operation was a fiasco and a failure of Vietnamization. As Stanley Karnow noted "the blunders were monumental .... The (South Vietnamese) government's top officers had been tutored by Americans for ten or fifteen years, many at training schools in the United States, yet they had learned little."[73] After meeting resistance, ARVN forces retreated in a confused rout. They fled along roads littered with their own dead. When they ran out of fuel, soldiers abandoned their vehicles and attempted to barge their way on to American choppers sent to evacuate the wounded. Many ARVN soldiers clung to helicopter skids in a desperate attempt to save themselves. Most fell to their deaths. In 1971, Australia and New Zealand withdrew their soldiers. The U.S. troop count was further reduced to 196,700, with a deadline to remove another 45,000 troops by February 1972. As peace protests spread across the United States, disillusionment grew in the ranks. Drug use increased, race relations grew tense and the number of soldiers disobeying officers rose. Fragging, or the murder of unpopular officers with fragmentation grenades, increased. Image:EASTER.jpg The Nguyen Hue Offensive, 1972, part of the Easter offensive. Vietnamization was again tested by the Easter Offensive of 1972, a massive conventional invasion of South Vietnam. The PAVN/NLF quickly overan the northern provinces and in co-ordination with other forces, attacked from Cambodia, threatening to cut the country in half. U.S. troop withdrawals continued. But American airpower came to the rescue with Operation Linebacker and the offensive was halted. However, it became clear that without American airpower South Vietnam could not survive. The last remaining American ground troops were withdrawn in August. But a force of civilian and military advisors remained in place. The war was the central issue of the 1972 presidential election. Nixon's opponent, George McGovern, campaigned on a platform of withdrawal from Vietnam. Nixon's National Security Adviser, Henry Kissinger, continued secret negotiations with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho. In October 1972, they reached an agreement. However, South Vietnamese President Thieu demanded massive changes to the peace accord. When North Vietnam went public with the agreement's details, the Nixon administration claimed that the North was attempting to embarrass the President. The negotiations became deadlocked. Hanoi demanded new changes. To show his support for South Vietnam and force Hanoi back to the negotiating table, Nixon ordered Operation Linebacker II, a massive bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong. The offensive destroyed much of the remaining economic and industrial capacity of North Vietnam. Simultaneously Nixon pressured Thieu to accept the terms of the agreement, threatening to conclude a bilateral peace deal and cut off American aid. Popularly known as the | |||||||
