|
|||||||||||||||||||
|
|||||||||||||||||||
CharacteristicsSprawl is characterized by several land use patterns which usually occur in unison: Single-use zoning
Low-density land useSprawl consumes much more land than traditional urban developments because new developments are of low density. The exact definition of "low density" is arguable, but a common example is that of single family homes, as opposed to apartments. Buildings usually have fewer stories and are spaced farther apart, separated by lawns, landscaping, roads or parking lots. Lot sizes are larger, and because more automobiles are used much more land is designated for parking. The impact of low density development in many communities is that developed or "urbanized" land is increasing at a faster rate than the population. Another kind of low-density development is sometimes called leap-frog development. This term refers to the relationship, or lack thereof, between one subdivision and the next. Such developments are typically separated by large tracts of undeveloped land, resulting in an average density far lower even than the low density described in the previous paragraph. This is a 20th and 21st century phenomenon generated by the current custom of requiring a developer to provide subdivision infrastructure as a condition of development (DeGrove and Turner, 1991).[2] Usually, the developer is required to set aside a certain percentage of the developed land for public use, including roads, parks and schools. In the past, when a local government built all the streets in a given location, the town could expand without interruption and with a coherent circulation system, because it had condemnation power. Private developers generally do not have such power (although they can sometimes find local governments willing to help), and often choose to develop on the tracts that happen to be for sale at the time they want to build, rather than pay extra or wait for a more appropriate location. The cheaper the land, the higher the profit margin. Car dependent communitiesAreas of urban sprawl are also characterized as being highly dependent on automobiles for transportation. Most activities, such as shopping, commuting to work, concerts, etc. require the use of a car as a result of both the area's isolation from the city and the isolation the area's residential zones have from its industrial and commercial zones. Walking and other methods of transit are not practical; therefore, many of these areas have few or no sidewalks. In many suburban communities, even stores and activities that are closeby are contrived to be much further, by separating uses with fences, walls, and engineered drainage ditches. Developments characteristic of sprawlHousing subdivisions
Subdivisions often incorporate curved roads and culs-de-sac. Such subdivisions may offer only a few places to enter and exit the development, causing traffic to use high volume collector streets. All trips, no matter how short, must enter the collector road in a suburban system. (Duany Plater-Zyberk 5, 34) Strip mallsShopping centers are locations consisting of retail space. In the US suburban context these vary from strip malls which refer to collections of buildings sharing a common parking lot, usually built on a high-capacity roadway with commercial functions (i.e. a "strip"). Similar developments in the UK are called Retail Parks. Strip malls/retail parks contain a wide variety of retail and non-retail functions that also cater to daily use (e.g. video rental, takeout food, laundry services, hairdresser). Strip malls consisting mostly of big box stores or category killers are sometimes called "power centers" (USA). These developments tend to be low-density; the buildings are single-story and there is ample space for parking and access for delivery vehicles. This character is reflected in the spacious landscaping of the parking lots and walkways and clear signage of the retail establishments. Some strip malls are undergoing a transformation into Lifestyle centers; entailing investments in common areas and facilities (plazas, cafes) and shifting tenancy from daily goods to recreational shopping. European countries such as France, Belgium and Germany have implemented size restrictions for superstores found in strip malls in an effort to limit sprawl (Davies 1995). Shopping mallsAnother prominent form of retail development in areas characterized by "sprawl" is the shopping mall. Unlike the strip mall, this is usually comprised of a single building surrounded by a parking lot which contains multiple shops, usually "anchored" by one or more department stores (Gruen and Smith 1960). The function and size is also distinct from the strip mall. The focus is almost exclusively on recreational shopping rather than daily goods. Shopping malls also tend to serve a wider (regional) public and require higher-order infrastructure such as highway access and can have floorspaces in excess of a million square feet (ca. 100,000 m²). Until recently, the largest shopping mall in the world was the West Edmonton Mall, while the largest in the United States is the Mall of America. Now, several larger ones have been built and/or are planned in China. Shopping malls are often detrimental to downtown shopping centers of nearby cities since the shopping malls acts as a surrogate for the city center (Crawford 1992). Some downtowns have responded to this challenge by building shopping centers of their own (Frieden and Sagelyn 1989; consider also Toronto Eaton Centre (1977), Ottawa's Rideau Centre, Boston's Shops at Prudential Center, and Providence's Providence Place). In the 1970s the Ontario Government created the Ontario Downtown Renewal Programme (ODRP), which helped finance the building of several downtown malls across Ontario. See entry under Eaton Centre. The program was created to reverse the tide of small business leaving downtowns for larger sites surrounding the city. Fast food chainsFast food chains are common in suburban areas. They are often built early in areas with low property values where the population is about to boom and where large traffic is predicted, and set a precedent for future development. Eric Schlosser, in his book Fast Food Nation, argues that fast food chains accelerate suburban sprawl and help set its tone with their expansive parking lots, flashy signs, and plastic architecture (65). Duany and Plater-Zyberk believe that this only reinforces a destructive pattern of growth in an endless quest to move away from the sprawl that only results in creating more of it (Duany Plater-Zyberk 26). Office parksOffice parks are places set aside exclusively for companies to build work locations, usually offices. The contemporary office park was born from the modernist vision of skyscrapers surrounded by a utopian park-like environment to preserve open space. Office parks are characterized by large buildings on noncentral large pieces of land, almost always accessed by workers through automobile. Some examples of sprawlA number of urban areas may lay claim to the title "most sprawling urban area." The New York City urbanized area covers more land area than any other, at approximately 8,684 square kilometers (3,353 sq miles). Arguably, the lowest density large urbanized area (over 1,000,000) in the United States is Atlanta, which covers 5,084 square kilometers (1,963 sq miles), with a population of 5,249,121 for a density of 1,032 people per square kilometer (2,674 people per square mile). This is approximately one-third the density of the New York urbanized area. The urban area of Melbourne, Australia in 2001 had 3,160,171 people over 2080.3 km²[2], giving a population density of 1519.1/km². Helsinki in Finland, which has only 1,232,595 people spread over 2,970.6 km² area, resulting in a population density of just 415.0/km². At the opposite end of the spectrum, the world's most dense major urbanized area is Hong Kong, with about 3,500,000 people in 70 square kilometers (27 sq miles), for a population density of 48,571 people per square kilometer (128,000 per sq mile). This is higher than the density of the Manhattan borough of New York City (which has about 1,800,000 people in 57 square kilometers) with 31,579 people per square kilometer (82,000 per sq mile). According to the National Resources Inventory (NRI), about 8,900 square kilometers (2.2 million acres) of land was developed between 1992 and 2002. Presently, the NRI classifies approximately 100,000 more square kilometers (40,000 sq miles) (an area approximately the size of Kentucky) as developed than the Census Bureau classifies as urban. The difference in the NRI classification is that it includes rural development, which by definition cannot be considered to be "urban" sprawl. Currently, according to the 2000 Census, approximately 2.6 percent of the US land area is urban. Approximately 0.8 percent of the nation's land is in the 37 urbanized areas with more than 1,000,000 population. Nonetheless, some urban areas have expanded geographically even while losing population. But it was not just US urbanized areas that lost population and sprawled substantially. According to data in "Cities and Automobile Dependence" by Kenworthy and Laube (1999), urbanized area population losses occurred while there was an expansion of sprawl between 1970 and 1990 in Brussels, Belgium; Copenhagen, Denmark; Frankfurt, Germany; Hamburg, Germany; Munich, Germany and Zurich, Switzerland. At the same time, the urban cores of these and nearly all other major cities in the United States, Western Europe and Japan that did not annex new territory experienced the related phenomena of falling household size and "white flight", sustaining population losses High-Income World Central City Population Losses. This trend has slowed somewhat in recent years, as more people are have regained an interest in urban living. To combat sprawl, the state of Oregon enacted a law in 1973 limiting the area urban areas could occupy, through urban growth boundaries. As a result, Portland, the state's largest urban area, has become a leader in smart growth policies that seek to make urban areas more compact (they are called urban consolidation policies). After the creation of this boundary, the population density of the urbanized area increased somewhat (from 1,135 in 1970 to 1,290 per km² in 2000) USA Urbanized Areas 1950-1990 USA Urbanized Areas 2000. While the growth boundary has not been tight enough to vastly increase density, the consensus is that the growth boundaries have protected great amounts of wild areas and farm land around the metro area. Los AngelizationImage:Glendale 20000ft vicinity.jpg Urban sprawl near Los Angeles, showing the city of Glendale The term "Los Angelization" is also sometimes used for urban sprawl, though this may be misleading. Los Angeles was one of the world's first low density urbanized areas, as a result of wide automobile ownership long before others, but has become more dense over the past half-century, principally due to small lot zoning and a high demand for housing due to population growth. According to United States Census Bureau data, the Los Angeles urbanized area (area of continuous urban development) increased its density by one-half from 1950 to 2000. In 2000, the Los Angeles urbanized area (as opposed to the city proper) was the most dense urbanized area in the United States, at 7,068 persons per square mile.[citation needed] This compares to second place San Francisco at 6,127 and New York at 5,309. There is often confusion about this fact, since core densities in New York are considerably higher than in Los Angeles. The higher density of Los Angeles is the result of much higher suburban population densities, which are nearly as high as Parisian suburban densities.[citation needed] Arguments for and against urban sprawlImage:Morrisville, North Carolina (North Side of Morrisville-Carpenter Road) 2006.jpg Rural neighborhoods in Morrisville, North Carolina are rapidly developing... Image:Morrisville, North Carolina (South Side of Morrisville-Carpenter Road) 2006.jpg ...into affluent, urbanized neighborhoods and subdivisions. These two images are on opposite sides of the same street. The complexity that surrounds an issue as broad as urban growth ensures that it is a contentious topic. Outlined below are some of the arguments used for and against the expansion of cities into greenfield sites. Supporting viewsPeter Gordon, a professor of planning and economics at the University of Southern California's School of Urban Planning and Development, argues that many households in the United States, Canada, and Australia, especially middle and upper class families, have shown a preference for the suburban lifestyle. Reasons cited include a preference towards lower-density development (for lower ambient noise and increased privacy), better schools, less crime, and a generally slower lifestyle than the urban one. Proponents also argue that this sort of living situation is an issue of personal choice and economic means.[4] One suburban Detroit politician defends low-density development as the preferred lifestyle choice of his constituents, calling it "...the American Dream unfolding before your eyes." [3] Proponents of low density development argue that traffic intensities tend to be less, traffic speeds faster and, as a result, air pollution emissions are lower per square mile. (See demographia's report.) Kansas City, Missouri is often cited as an example of ideal low-density development, with congestion below the mean and home prices below comparable Midwestern cities. Wendell Cox and Randal O'Toole are the leading figures supporting lower density development. Proponents also claim that drivers in the United States, with the most sprawling urban areas in the world, tend to have shorter one-way commute times (though less predictable) than those who choose to commute by car in Western Europe or Japan, where densities are higher.[citation needed] Furthermore, longitudinal (time-lapse) studies of commute times in major metropolitan areas in the United States have shown that commute times have actually decreased even though the geographic size of the city has increased.[citation needed] This may be due to an increase in the decentralization of American urban areas owing to non-linear transportation (automobiles). There is also some concern that Portland-style anti-sprawl policies will increase housing prices. Some research suggests Oregon has had the largest housing affordability loss in the nation Housing Affordability Trends: USA States, but other research shows that Portland's price increases are comparable to other Western cities [4]. Another report suggests that zoning and other land use controls play the dominant role in making housing expensive[5]. Opposing viewsLiving in a larger, more spread out space makes public services more expensive. Since car usage often becomes endemic and public transport often becomes significantly more expensive, city planners are forced to build large highway and parking infrastructure, which in turn decreases taxable land and revenue, and decreases the desirability of the area adjacent to such structures. Providing services such as water, sewers, and electricity is also more expensive per household in less dense areas. [6] Residents of low density areas spend a higher proportion of their income on transportation than residents of high density areas.[5] The RAC estimates that the average cost of operating a car in the UK is £5,000 a year.[6] In comparison, a yearly underground ticket for a suburban commuter in London (where wages are higher than the national average) costs £1,000-1,500.[7] Low density expansion uses up more of the surrounding land than high density expansion. Such growth destroys wildlife habitat, increases the risk of spread of invasive species into the remaining forest. It leads to increase in water pollution as rain water picks up gasoline and oil runoff from parking lots and roads as well as pesticides and chemical fertilizers from lawns [7]. Fecal contamination increases in watersheds from pets. Migratory bird populations have suffered a decline as a result of forest fragmentation. The use of the forest as a "green backdrop" in the suburbs precludes other uses, for example recreation, such as hiking, bird watching as well as hunting, fishing. Quality of life has been argued to be eroded by lifestyles sprawl promotes. Duany and Plater-Zyberk believe that in traditional neighborhoods the nearness of the workplace to retail and restaurant space that provides cafes and convenience stores with daytime customers is an essential component to the successful balance of urban life. Furthermore, they state that the closeness of the workplace to homes also gives people the option of walking or riding a bicycle to work or school and that without this kind of interaction between the different components of life the urban pattern quickly falls apart. (Duany Plater-Zyberk 6, 28) Obesity may also be linked to urban sprawl, since suburban developments tend to favor automobile rather than pedestrian mobility. [8] Finally, some blame suburbs for what they see as a homogeneity of society and culture, leading to sprawling suburban developments of people with similar race, background and socioeconomic status.[citation needed] They claim that segregated and stratified development was institutionalized in the early 1950s and 60s with the financial industries' illegal process of redlining neighborhoods to prevent certain people from entering and residing in affluent districts. This is often referred to as a form of Institutionalized Racism, and one term for the resulting separation of races is White Flight. While overtly racist policies in housing are rare today, the similar price characteristics for many developments in suburbs can limit those who would choose to live there to only a certain segment of society. Some, including former U.S. Secretary of Labor Robert Reich have argued that current price discriminatory housing trends caused in part by sprawl has had negative ramifications on public schools as finances have been pulled out of city cores and diverted to wealthier suburbs.[citation needed] Image:March 22 2006 West Jordan UT USA.jpg Jordan Landing, Utah's largest shopping center. The first phase opened in late 2000. It is considered to be symptomatic of the sprawl being experienced in the Salt Lake City area. The Census reported that the south end of the metropolitan area had gone from 75,782 residents in 1990 to 202,876 by 2004 and is expected to more than double by 2020. Urban sprawl in popular culture
Urban sprawl in nonfiction
See alsoRelated Topics
Related TerminologyReferences
Bibliography of works cited
Additional References
Sites |
Searched sites for "Urban sprawl" |
|
No sites found. |
Sorry, no matching site records were found. |
Want your site listed here?
|
||||||||||||||
|
Submit
your site |
|
Relevant quality search results and fast easy navigation throughout the
different sections of the site, make Americola.com |